Successful candidates will also need to apply for program admission.
- Marit Rosol | University of Calgary - toughkforliehand.tk!
- Smile: A Short Story;
- Schwaben-Filz: Kommissar Braigs vierzehnter Fall (German Edition).
- The Carousel Club: A Novel of the Kennedy Assassination;
- The Magnetic North: Travels in the Arctic;
- Capital Mysteries #5: Who Broke Lincolns Thumb?!
- Barred! (Living History of the Holocaust).
Ideally, I am looking for applications at least 1 month before the program admission deadline on January 5th i. However, applications arriving at other times may also be considered until positions are filled.
Neoliberalism or organizational economization? | ephemera
Save to Library Download Edit. I invite applications from scholars with a PhD in geography, urban studies, sociology, or a relat The postdoctoral associate PDA will engage in research full time and demonstrate a high degree of self-direction.
Duration: 1 year. Start date: Fall or earlier See pdf for full details and how-to-apply-guide. Application will be reviewed as they arrive starting on March 15th and accepted until position is filled. Journal Articles. In: Urban Geography: early view. Urban Geography Review Symposium on: Promises of the political. Urban Geography, early view. In: European Urban and Regional Studies, 26 4 , Through an analysis of two international cases from Canada and Germany, this paper highlights the With this, we seek to contribute to the debate on how the role of the local state has changed from securing affordable housing for low-income households into becoming an essential player involved in real estate speculation.
Taking Little Mountain in Vancouver as the first example, we examine the privatization and demolition of the public housing complex and thus the withdrawal of the state. Our second example, Ostend in Frankfurt, investigates the restructuring of a working-class neighbourhood through active state-led interventions including massive public investment.
We analyse the two empirical examples along five dimensions: causal drivers and mechanisms that have led to the changing role of the state in governing urban transformations; policy instruments used by state agencies to encourage gentrification; strategies to legitimize state-led gentrification; outcomes in terms of direct and exclusionary displacement; and the forms of contestation and protest. We maintain that both cases, although presenting a stark contrast, follow the same rule, namely state-led gentrification.
Save to Library Edit. Journal of the American Planning Association 85 3 : Journal of the American Planning Association , Problem, research strategy, and findings: Social justice is often considered the goal of particip Fraser provides principles to guide planners in determining what is just and unjust in participatory initiatives. Principles include ensuring proper participatory procedures, recognizing minority viewpoints and perspectives, attending to the framing of public issues, and remediating inequitable social structures.
Takeaway for practice: Although Fraser does not provide a tool kit for action, we offer suggestions for how planners can apply a justice framework to improve participatory practice. Planners can a require appropriate procedures to ensure that all relevant people and perspectives are represented at the appropriate scale; b ensure all perspectives—not just dominant ones—are recognized and valued; and c respond to and mitigate the inequitable distribution of wealth and resources.
Within the context of the growing interest in alternative economic spaces, this introductory pa The development of the debate as well as controversial aspects of AFN will be presented. Finally, economic geography inspired research questions and perspectives for advancing geographical research on alternative food are derived.
The post- politics of new urban environmental regimes. In: Environment and Planning A 49 8 : Vulnerabilities, complicities and injustices: 'Tim- adical' actions for change in the neoliberal academy Tim-adical Writing Collective. Early career academics face their own particular set of issues when it comes to struggling with t In this note, we consider how our responses to the neoliberalization of academia — whether in teaching, research or other activities — promote justice or not.
Rather than theorize justice in the abstract, our goal is to tease apart the injustices, vulnerabilities and complicities of our workplaces. We draw upon our individual experiences, which span six institutions across six countries, to explore how mundane choices and everyday actions might enable us to resist the neoliberal pressures on our work and our labour. We do this by acknowledging that there is a real possibility that we come to embody neoliberalism in our choices, decisions and habits.
That is, we are disciplined and become self-disciplining in turn, in order to survive. We explore this tension through a series of experiential vignettes that help to frame our everyday resistance as 'tim-adical' action, both radical and timid at the same time. In: ACME 16 2 : An International Journal for Critical Geographies , Based on a comprehensive study of allotment gardens in the province of Alicante, this article enh Firstly, we explain the specific histories of urban allotments in Spain, that differ from the well-rehearsed stories of North America and also Northern Europe.
Secondly, we show that a focus on urban allotments can provide a better understanding of changes in the economy, in land-use and in urban-rural relations in times of crisis. At first, these projects catered mostly to pensioners, including foreigners coming from countries with long traditions of urban allotments.
As the economic recession intensified in , allotments had to re-define their goals in a social environment now defined by high unemployment and impoverishment. Today, most of the projects target people at risk of poverty and social exclusion and their primary functions are productive, therapeutic and educational.
The freedom that neoliberalism offers, which sounds so beguiling when expressed in general terms, turns out to mean freedom for the pike, not for the minnows. Freedom from trade unions and collective bargaining means the freedom to suppress wages. Freedom from regulation means the freedom to poison rivers , endanger workers, charge iniquitous rates of interest and design exotic financial instruments. Freedom from tax means freedom from the distribution of wealth that lifts people out of poverty.
When parliaments have voted to restrict sales of cigarettes , protect water supplies from mining companies, freeze energy bills or prevent pharmaceutical firms from ripping off the state, corporations have sued, often successfully. Democracy is reduced to theatre.
Another paradox of neoliberalism is that universal competition relies upon universal quantification and comparison. The result is that workers, job-seekers and public services of every kind are subject to a pettifogging, stifling regime of assessment and monitoring, designed to identify the winners and punish the losers.
The doctrine that Von Mises proposed would free us from the bureaucratic nightmare of central planning has instead created one. Neoliberalism was not conceived as a self-serving racket, but it rapidly became one.
Germany’s AfD – members, leaders and ideologies
Economic growth has been markedly slower in the neoliberal era since in Britain and the US than it was in the preceding decades; but not for the very rich. Inequality in the distribution of both income and wealth, after 60 years of decline, rose rapidly in this era, due to the smashing of trade unions, tax reductions, rising rents, privatisation and deregulation. The privatisation or marketisation of public services such as energy, water, trains, health, education, roads and prisons has enabled corporations to set up tollbooths in front of essential assets and charge rent, either to citizens or to government, for their use.
Rent is another term for unearned income. When you pay an inflated price for a train ticket, only part of the fare compensates the operators for the money they spend on fuel, wages, rolling stock and other outlays. The rest reflects the fact that they have you over a barrel.
In Russia and India, oligarchs acquired state assets through firesales. As the poor become poorer and the rich become richer, the rich acquire increasing control over another crucial asset: money. Interest payments, overwhelmingly, are a transfer of money from the poor to the rich. As property prices and the withdrawal of state funding load people with debt think of the switch from student grants to student loans , the banks and their executives clean up.
Sayer argues that the past four decades have been characterised by a transfer of wealth not only from the poor to the rich, but within the ranks of the wealthy: from those who make their money by producing new goods or services to those who make their money by controlling existing assets and harvesting rent, interest or capital gains.
Earned income has been supplanted by unearned income. Neoliberal policies are everywhere beset by market failures. Not only are the banks too big to fail, but so are the corporations now charged with delivering public services. As Tony Judt pointed out in Ill Fares the Land , Hayek forgot that vital national services cannot be allowed to collapse, which means that competition cannot run its course.
Business takes the profits, the state keeps the risk. The greater the failure, the more extreme the ideology becomes. Governments use neoliberal crises as both excuse and opportunity to cut taxes, privatise remaining public services, rip holes in the social safety net, deregulate corporations and re-regulate citizens. The self-hating state now sinks its teeth into every organ of the public sector.
Perhaps the most dangerous impact of neoliberalism is not the economic crises it has caused, but the political crisis. As the domain of the state is reduced, our ability to change the course of our lives through voting also contracts. Instead, neoliberal theory asserts, people can exercise choice through spending.
But some have more to spend than others: in the great consumer or shareholder democracy, votes are not equally distributed. The result is a disempowerment of the poor and middle. As parties of the right and former left adopt similar neoliberal policies, disempowerment turns to disenfranchisement. Large numbers of people have been shed from politics. When political debate no longer speaks to us, people become responsive instead to slogans, symbols and sensation.
Writing knowledge into the history of migration and migration into the history of knowledge
To the admirers of Trump, for example, facts and arguments appear irrelevant. Judt explained that when the thick mesh of interactions between people and the state has been reduced to nothing but authority and obedience, the only remaining force that binds us is state power.
- In Visible Fellowship: A Contemporary View of Bonhoeffers Classic Work Life Together!
- Neoliberalism has brought out the worst in us | Paul Verhaeghe!
- ANALYSEN UND ALTERNATIVEN GERMAN PDF Original - Free E-Book Download.
- ANALYSEN UND ALTERNATIVEN GERMAN PDF Original - Free E-Book Download.
- Voyages and Discoveries: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (English Library).
- ANALYSEN UND ALTERNATIVEN GERMAN Original (PDF).
Like communism, neoliberalism is the God that failed. But the zombie doctrine staggers on, and one of the reasons is its anonymity. Or rather, a cluster of anonymities. The invisible doctrine of the invisible hand is promoted by invisible backers. Slowly, very slowly, we have begun to discover the names of a few of them. We find that the Institute of Economic Affairs, which has argued forcefully in the media against the further regulation of the tobacco industry, has been secretly funded by British American Tobacco since We discover that Charles and David Koch , two of the richest men in the world, founded the institute that set up the Tea Party movement.
The words used by neoliberalism often conceal more than they elucidate. But it is fraught with power relations. One is the funding of productive and socially useful activities, the other is the purchase of existing assets to milk them for rent, interest, dividends and capital gains. A century ago, the nouveau riche were disparaged by those who had inherited their money. Entrepreneurs sought social acceptance by passing themselves off as rentiers.
- Bettina Preus's Documents.
- Pour une didactique de lart musical (Sciences de lEducation musicale) (French Edition)!
- Eine verhängnisvolle Affäre? (German Edition).
Today, the relationship has been reversed: the rentiers and inheritors style themselves entre preneurs. They claim to have earned their unearned income. These anonymities and confusions mesh with the namelessness and placelessness of modern capitalism: the franchise model which ensures that workers do not know for whom they toil ; the companies registered through a network of offshore secrecy regimes so complex that even the police cannot discover the beneficial owners ; the tax arrangements that bamboozle governments; the financial products no one understands.
The anonymity of neoliberalism is fiercely guarded. Those who are influenced by Hayek, Mises and Friedman tend to reject the term, maintaining — with some justice — that it is used today only pejoratively. But they offer us no substitute. For all that, there is something admirable about the neoliberal project, at least in its early stages. It was a distinctive, innovative philosophy promoted by a coherent network of thinkers and activists with a clear plan of action.
It was patient and persistent.